I was inspired to read Navalny’s autobiography after listening to Benedict Cumberbatch reading from it on Radio 4.
What drove lawyer and activist, Alexei Navalny, to forfeit his life as a protest against Putin’s Russia? Principally that his commitment to the organisation he built to combat corruption in Russia was not negotiable. Also (to the chagrin of many of his supporters) he derived additional comfort from his faith in God or some higher being, which helped him survive the privations of prison life.
The book starts with Navalny’s poisoning on a flight from Tomsk in Siberia in 2020 and describes how he was taken to Berlin for treatment, an outcome which probably saved his life. I am immediately impressed by Navalny’s conversational and matter of fact language in dealing with such life threatening events.
Formative Years
Navalny grew up near Moscow but spent holidays with family near Chernobyl (his father was Ukrainian). His distrust of the Soviet regime was kindled by the authorities sending people to work in fields contaminated by the fallout from the Chernobyl accident.
As a schoolboy Navalny observed the USSR breaking apart with many Russians expressing nostalgia for the USSR (p49). Many Westerners will be surprised to learn that Gorbachev was not popular in Russia, mainly through his anti-alcohol policy, but also because of his general dithering. Many thought Gorbachev was too radical but, for Navalny, he didn’t go far enough. Navalny then describes the pseudo coup which allowed Yeltsin to replace Gorbachev. The USSR soon dissolved but Navalny was disappointed that the rights of Russians outside Russia were ignored (pp74-82).
Navalny traces his schooldays and his aim to study hard. “I was a nerd not a party goer”. He was never physically strong but after prolonged bullying he eventually found the courage to strike back and punch his bully (p90). This gave him a quiet confidence that he was able to take care of himself.
Navalny despised the “dumb clucks” who indulged in even more nostalgia for the old USSR (p119). It was understandable that many hankered after the stability of the USSR but Navalny did not! This was in part due to the chaotic rule of Yeltsin. As a student Navalny had initially supported Yeltsin but later regretted this.
Getting married and political
Navalny explains why, after recovering from his poisoning, he just had to return to Russia. He wanted to continue to challenge Putin and his corruption. Whilst in Germany he had made a film of Putin’s Sochi palace which would be released on his return. But when he flew from Berlin back to Moscow he was immediately arrested (pp149-50).
At this juncture Navalny finds time to record how he met his wife,Yulia. His legal practice had been on a company outing to Turkey and, boarding the coach after visiting a bowling alley, there she was – and it was love at first sight.
In 2000 Navalny decided to join the “Yobloko” (Russian United Democratic Party). In 2007 he disagreed with leadership, particularly on tactical voting, and got himself kicked out (p187). He then concentrated his efforts on the Democratic Alliance which he had set up in 2005. It was difficult to get physical venues for events so he moved to blogging on the social networking service, “LiveJournal”.
Navalny decided that the best way to attack corporations like Gazprom was to become a shareholder and to air his concerns at AGMs.
He joined Union of Right Forces (URF) and moved to Kirov to fight corruption there. In 2010 he was sponsored for a scholarship at Yale (p203).
In 2011 he set up the Anti Corruption Foundation whose crowdfunding was a great success (p213). The same year he protested for the Moscow City Duma (regional parliament) elections and was arrested.
His trials fail to prevent him running in elections
In 2012 he was sentenced to five years’ jail in the Kirovles (Kirov Timber) trial. This would have precluded him from running in the election for mayor of Moscow but he was immediately released and came second in the mayoral vote (p229).
Alexei Navalny and his brother, Oleg, were tried for embezzling from the Yves Rocher Vostok concern. Both were sentenced to jail but Alexei’s sentence was suspended. The suspension put pressure on Alexei to stop protesting to free Oleg, but Alexei decided to continue with this protest. He used the trial to voice his views in the “last word” speeches. These included his statement that “Lying has become the essence of state power”.
In 2017 Navalny ran for president. He campaigned around the country. At one rally he was blinded by a chemical that acted like TCP. He also produced a podcast at 20:18 every Thursday which became very popular. He was barred from being nominated as a candidate for the presidential election. Although he was imprisoned, his network of regional offices remained in place (p266).
Navalny describes living with the fear of being killed but maintains that his love of all things Russian kept him going.
Life in prison
On his return to Russia in 2021 he was immediately imprisoned again. He was often allowed to write in prison though and this gives us some insights into his life in jail. At first he was allowed to watch TV channels like Euronews but without the sound so he had to glean his information from the banners (chyrons) on the screen (p307).
Initially he received good food – a herring salad sounds delicious. He also received many letters and presents from his wife, Yulia. But he was then transferred to a stricter “pre-trial” prison in Vladimir, with no access to Euronews.
Navalny’s attitude was to be civil to prison staff. But his resolution not to get angry during Lent failed when the prison staff goaded him too far. His new-found faith helped him survive. He went on a hunger strike as this was the only weapon available to him in a prison (pp378-90).
There were many difficulties for him in writing his prison diary. Manuscripts would be confiscated or disappear. His reason for writing was primarily because he wanted to, but written content was also wanted by his agents. If he was killed (or as Navalny put it, “whacked”,) there would be a memorial and royalties for his family (pp404-5). He tried to write the truth and not embellish. At one point his only book was the bible. So he enterprisingly memorised the “Sermon on the Mount” in Russian and English (p409).
In good spirits even so near to the end
By 2023 he was in punitive solitary confinement. He berated those on the outside, saying they should stop moaning about their hard life and drink up their pumpkin latte. He also made his views on the Ukraine war clear.
At the same time, he praised other opposition leaders like Liliya Chanysheva in Ufa, Bashkortostan.
The film Navalny made whilst in Germany on Putin’s palaces won an Oscar, an outcome which made him immensely happy on his 47th birthday.
Navalny had two ways of dealing with his terminal situation, firstly to expect and accept the worst, and secondly to believe in a god. These carried Navalny to the end.
‘Patriot’ is a marvellous testimony to an outstandlingly courageous life. Navalny didn’t want Putin to run Russia but paid for that belief with his life.
Author’s postscript: Here is my translation of a reaction to this article from a reader in Germany:
“My wife and I asked ourselves at the time why Navalny went back to Russia again when it was likely that he would be imprisoned.
It’s clear from this review that Navalny saw himself as a martyr. He had to stay true to his belief and had to broadcast it where it was needed even if this cost him his life.
Nevertheless the question remains would Alexei Navalny have been more effective as a mouthpiece rather than as a memorial. He could maybe have used his voice from outside Russia better than from a prison inside, and certainly for longer.
It is even more important that the message of his book is heard today. That makes this review so valuable. Many thanks for publishing it.”
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